Executive Summary
The seven joint debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the late summer and autumn of 1858 are usually remembered for what was said. Where it was said matters just as much. The debates were held in Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Galesburg, Quincy, and Alton, one in each of the seven Illinois congressional districts where the two candidates had not already both spoken. That arrangement, proposed by Douglas and accepted by Lincoln, sent both men across a state split by settlement history, transportation, religion, and partisan loyalty. Illinois in 1858 was not one political community but at least three: a Yankee-settled and increasingly Republican north, an Upland Southern and firmly Democratic south, and a contested central belt where former Whigs held the balance.
This paper examines each debate site as a place with its own political character, its own history on slavery and race, and its own role in the state’s partisan structure. It then considers how the sequence and location of the debates shaped the rhetorical strategies of both candidates, how the press carried words spoken in one region to readers in another, and why a campaign in which Republicans won the statewide popular vote still returned Douglas to the Senate. The paper argues that the debate locations did more than host the contest. They were a working model of the national sectional crisis in miniature, and they exposed the difficulty any candidate faced in addressing a divided electorate with a single consistent message.
I. The Setting: Illinois as a Divided State
Settlement Streams and Regional Identity
Illinois entered the Union in 1818 with its population concentrated in the south, along the Ohio, Mississippi, and Wabash river corridors. Its early settlers came mainly from Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and the Carolinas, carrying the culture of the Upland South: family farming, evangelical Protestantism of the Baptist and Methodist kind, suspicion of centralized authority, and, in many cases, a hostility to slavery that coexisted with deep hostility toward free Black people.[1] The southern third of the state acquired the nickname “Egypt,” a name popularly traced to a season when northern settlers traveled south to buy grain, as Jacob’s sons went down to Egypt in Genesis 42, and reinforced by town names such as Cairo, Thebes, and Karnak.[2]
The opening of the Erie Canal in 1825 and the growth of Great Lakes shipping brought a second stream of settlers from New England, upstate New York, and the Western Reserve of Ohio. These migrants filled the northern counties, and later the Illinois and Michigan Canal (completed in 1848) and the early railroads extended their reach southward along the Illinois River valley.[3] They brought Congregational and Presbyterian churches, colleges, reform societies, and a moral seriousness about slavery that ranged from free-soil conviction to open abolitionism. German and Irish immigrants added further complexity in the 1840s and 1850s, with many Germans in particular drifting toward antislavery politics.[4]
The result by 1858 was a state layered from north to south. The northern counties voted increasingly Republican after the party’s formation in 1854 through 1856. The southern counties remained Democratic. The central counties, settled by a mixture of both streams and long home to Henry Clay Whigs, were the true battleground.[5]
Illinois and the Question of Slavery Before 1858
Although the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 barred slavery from the territory, Illinois tolerated forms of bound labor well into statehood, including long-term indentures and slavery at the salt works near Shawneetown.[6] In 1824 proslavery interests sought a constitutional convention that many believed would legalize slavery outright. Governor Edward Coles, a Virginian who had freed the people he held in bondage, led the opposition, and voters rejected the convention call.[7] The state nonetheless passed restrictive Black Laws, culminating in the 1853 exclusion law that penalized free Black people who entered Illinois. That legislation was sponsored by John A. Logan of southern Illinois and reflected the racial attitudes common in Egypt.[8]
In 1837 a proslavery mob in Alton killed the abolitionist editor Elijah P. Lovejoy while he defended his press. The killing made Alton a national symbol and turned Lovejoy’s brother Owen into one of the most determined antislavery politicians in the state.[9] These events meant that by the 1850s Illinois voters carried memories and loyalties about slavery that varied sharply by locality.
The National Crisis Arrives in Illinois
Douglas, Illinois’s senior senator and the leading Democrat of the North, authored the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854. The act repealed the Missouri Compromise restriction on slavery north of 36°30′ and replaced it with “popular sovereignty,” under which settlers in the territories would decide the question themselves.[10] The measure shattered the Whig Party in Illinois and produced a new anti-Nebraska coalition that became the Republican Party. The Supreme Court’s 1857 Dred Scott decision then held that Congress could not exclude slavery from the territories, which appeared to undermine popular sovereignty itself.
Later in 1857 Douglas broke with President James Buchanan over the proslavery Lecompton Constitution in Kansas, which Douglas denounced as a fraud upon the settlers’ will. The break won Douglas admiration among some Republicans in the East, but it also cost him the support of the Buchanan administration, which used federal patronage in Illinois to organize a rival slate of “National Democrats,” derisively called “Danites.”[11] Douglas thus entered 1858 facing Republican opposition from one side and administration hostility from the other.
On June 16, 1858, the Illinois Republican state convention in Springfield took the unusual step of declaring Lincoln its “first and only choice” for the Senate. Lincoln accepted with the address now known as the “House Divided” speech, drawing its central image from the words of Jesus Christ in Mark 3:25: “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” Lincoln added, “I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free.”[12]
The Electoral Mechanism
In 1858 United States senators were chosen by state legislatures, not by popular vote. The contest between Lincoln and Douglas was therefore formally a contest for control of the Illinois General Assembly. Legislative districts were apportioned on the basis of the 1850 census, which undercounted the rapidly growing Republican north. Several state senators were holdovers elected in 1856 and not up for election in 1858.[13] These structural facts gave geography a decisive weight. A candidate could win more popular votes statewide and still lose the legislature if his strength was concentrated in underrepresented regions.
II. How the Debate Sites Were Chosen
During July 1858, Lincoln followed Douglas around the state, speaking in the same towns shortly after him. Douglas spoke in Chicago on July 9 and Lincoln replied there the next evening. Both spoke in Springfield on July 17. Democratic newspapers ridiculed Lincoln’s trailing strategy, and on July 24 Lincoln proposed a series of joint appearances.[14] Douglas replied that his schedule was already largely set but agreed to one debate in each of the seven congressional districts other than the Second (Chicago) and Sixth (Springfield), where both men had already addressed the voters. Douglas named the towns and the dates. He also claimed the opening and closing speeches in four of the seven debates, leaving Lincoln three. Lincoln accepted, noting the imbalance without contesting it.[15]
The format was fixed: the opening speaker held the floor for one hour, the second speaker replied for ninety minutes, and the first speaker closed with a thirty-minute rejoinder. Douglas opened at Ottawa, Jonesboro, Galesburg, and Alton; Lincoln opened at Freeport, Charleston, and Quincy.
The choice of towns was not arbitrary. None was the largest city in its district in every case, but each was a reachable county seat or commercial center with rail or river access, a public space large enough for a crowd, and a local party organization capable of staging an event. The geographic spread meant that the debates would move from the Yankee north to the Egyptian south, back to the central east, across to the western river counties, and finally to the edge of the St. Louis metropolitan region.
III. The Seven Sites
Ottawa (Third District), August 21
Ottawa sat at the confluence of the Fox and Illinois rivers in LaSalle County, along the route of the Illinois and Michigan Canal that linked Chicago to the Mississippi system. The canal had drawn Irish laborers, New England merchants, and farmers from the Northeast into the county, giving it a mixed but increasingly Republican character.[16] The Third District was represented in Congress by Owen Lovejoy, the brother of the murdered Alton editor and one of the most outspoken antislavery Republicans in the House. The district’s reputation for radicalism was precisely what Douglas intended to exploit.
An estimated 10,000 to 12,000 people crowded Washington Square for the first debate. Douglas opened by tying Lincoln to the most radical wing of the antislavery movement, reading a set of resolutions he attributed to an 1854 Republican convention in Springfield and asking whether Lincoln endorsed them. The resolutions called for repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law and opposed the admission of any more slave states. It later emerged that the resolutions had been adopted at a local meeting in northern Illinois, not at the state convention, which gave Republicans a useful counterattack but did not undo the damage of the first day.[17] Douglas also pressed the race question hard, charging that Republicans favored political and social equality for Black people, a charge he knew would play poorly in central and southern Illinois even if it drew little response in Ottawa.
Ottawa’s significance to Illinois politics lay in its position on the canal corridor that carried northern settlement and northern politics southward. It was a place where Douglas could frame Lincoln as the candidate of the abolitionist north, knowing that the newspapers would carry that framing to voters far from the Illinois River.
Freeport (First District), August 27
Freeport, in Stephenson County near the Wisconsin line, was a railroad town on the lines linking Chicago to Galena and the lead district of the upper Mississippi. Its population included Pennsylvania-born settlers, New Englanders, and German immigrants. The First District was represented by Elihu B. Washburne of Galena, an early and dependable Republican.[18] Freeport was solidly Republican ground, and the crowd, estimated at around 15,000, reflected that.
Freeport produced the most consequential exchange of the campaign. Lincoln, opening, answered Douglas’s Ottawa questions and then posed four of his own. The second asked whether the people of a United States territory could, in any lawful way and against the wishes of any citizen, exclude slavery before forming a state constitution. The question forced Douglas to reconcile popular sovereignty with Dred Scott. Douglas answered that slavery could not exist anywhere for a day without supporting local police regulations, and that a territorial legislature could effectively exclude it by declining to pass such regulations or by passing unfriendly ones.[19]
This answer, known as the Freeport Doctrine, was not new; Douglas had said much the same before. But stated in a debate that the national press followed closely, it hardened Southern Democratic opposition to Douglas. Many historians have treated it as one reason the Democratic Party split in 1860, though scholars differ on how much weight the single Freeport answer should carry compared with the Lecompton break.[20] Within Illinois, the answer was politically safe in the north, where it reassured voters that Douglas did not favor spreading slavery. The larger cost fell outside the state.
The Freeport location matters because it was the place where Lincoln had the opening position in friendly territory. He used that advantage to set a question whose answer would travel south of Illinois as well as across it.
Jonesboro (Ninth District), September 15
Jonesboro, the seat of Union County, lay deep in Egypt, in the hill country between the Mississippi and Ohio rivers, not far from the Illinois Central line running to Cairo. The Ninth District was among the most Democratic in the North, and the county’s population was overwhelmingly of Upland Southern origin.[21] Republican organization there was thin. The crowd, commonly estimated at around 1,500, was the smallest of the seven debates, and many in attendance came from neighboring counties and from across the river in Missouri and Kentucky.
Douglas opened and addressed an audience that shared his views on race and on federal interference with local institutions. He repeated his charges from Ottawa and insisted that the nation could endure half slave and half free as it always had. Lincoln, in reply, sought common ground by invoking the founders’ view of slavery as an evil to be contained, and pointed to the divergence between what Republicans in different parts of the state were saying, turning the charge of regional inconsistency back on Douglas’s allies.[22] Lincoln also pressed Douglas on the implications of the Freeport answer, asking whether a member of Congress who believed in a constitutional right to hold slaves in the territories could refuse to pass legislation protecting that right.
The Buchanan faction had some strength in southern Illinois because federal patronage flowed through post offices and land offices there, and Jonesboro showed Douglas defending his flank against fellow Democrats as much as against Lincoln.[23] For Illinois politics, Jonesboro represented the base Douglas could not afford to lose and the region where Republicans had little realistic hope. Lincoln’s appearance there was largely a demonstration that the Republican Party claimed to be a statewide party.
Charleston (Seventh District), September 18
Charleston, the seat of Coles County in east-central Illinois, lay in the contested middle of the state. The county bore the name of Governor Edward Coles, whose opposition to the 1824 slavery convention remained part of Illinois political memory.[24] Lincoln had strong personal ties to the area: his father Thomas and stepmother Sarah Bush Lincoln had lived on a farm south of Charleston, and Thomas Lincoln was buried in the county in 1851.[25] The population was mixed, with a heavy Kentucky and Indiana element, and many voters were former Whigs uncertain where to go after their party’s collapse.
Estimates put the crowd at roughly 12,000 to 15,000. Lincoln opened, and he began with a statement on race that remains the most discussed passage of the debates. Responding to Douglas’s repeated charges, Lincoln declared that he was not and never had been in favor of bringing about the social and political equality of the white and Black races, including voting, jury service, officeholding, or intermarriage.[26] The statement was calibrated for an audience in a swing region where Douglas’s race-baiting had real force. It has since been read by some as an expression of Lincoln’s views at the time, by others as a tactical concession to the electorate, and by still others as both.
Lincoln devoted much of the remaining time to charges first raised by Senator Lyman Trumbull that Douglas had conspired in 1856 to strip a provision for a popular ratification vote from a Kansas statehood bill. The exchange was heated and technical, and most historians judge it among the least effective portions of the debates for either man.[27]
Charleston’s significance extended beyond 1858. Coles County remained divided through the war, and on March 28, 1864, a clash between Union soldiers and antiwar Democrats in Charleston left several people dead.[28] The debate site was a place where the balance of loyalty was genuinely in question, and Lincoln’s opening there showed how much the middle of the state governed the campaign’s rhetoric.
Galesburg (Fourth District), October 7
Galesburg, in Knox County in west-central Illinois, was founded in the 1830s by a colony of New York Presbyterians and Congregationalists led by George Washington Gale. The town was built around Knox College, and both town and college became centers of antislavery activity, including assistance to fugitives traveling north.[29] The Fourth District was represented by the Republican William Kellogg. Galesburg was among the most reliably antislavery communities in the state, and its political culture was an outgrowth of the Yankee reform tradition that had shaped northern Illinois.
The debate was held on the grounds of Knox College, with the speakers’ platform placed against the east side of the college’s main building to shield them from the cold wind. The crowd was the largest of the series, with estimates reaching 15,000 to 20,000. Old Main still stands and is the only surviving building directly associated with a debate site.[30]
Douglas opened and again stressed popular sovereignty and the dangers of sectional agitation. Lincoln, speaking to a friendly audience, sharpened his moral case. He argued that the real difference between the parties was that Republicans regarded slavery as a wrong and Democrats did not, and that Douglas’s indifference to whether slavery was voted up or down was itself a position that disregarded the moral question.[31] Lincoln also charged that Douglas’s allies ran under different party labels and emphasized different principles in the northern and southern parts of the state. This line of attack depended on geography: Lincoln could point to what had been said in Egypt while speaking in Galesburg, confident that the press would carry his charge back south.
Knox College later awarded Lincoln an honorary degree in 1860. For Illinois politics, Galesburg represented the moral center of Republican strength outside Chicago, and it was the place where Lincoln framed the contest most clearly as a question of right and wrong.
Quincy (Fifth District), October 13
Quincy, the seat of Adams County, stood on the bluffs of the Mississippi River directly across from the slave state of Missouri. It was a significant river port with a population that included Upland Southerners, New Englanders, and a large German community.[32] Quincy was also Douglas’s own early political home. He had practiced law and served as a judge there, and he represented the district in Congress in the 1840s. Lincoln’s close Whig friend Orville H. Browning also lived in Quincy.[33] The Fifth District leaned Democratic but was not safe.
The debate took place in Washington Square before a crowd of roughly 12,000 to 15,000, including visitors who crossed the river from Missouri. Lincoln opened, and he restated the Republican position with notable clarity: the party regarded slavery as a moral, social, and political wrong, would treat it as a wrong by opposing its spread, and would not interfere with it in the states where it existed.[34] Douglas replied with his familiar arguments and accused Lincoln of shifting his positions to suit his audience.
Quincy’s position on the border gave the debate a particular weight. Missouri slavery was visible from the Illinois shore, and fugitives crossing the river were a recurring source of local tension. A debate on the extension of slavery held within sight of a slave state made the stakes concrete in a way the northern sites could not.
Alton (Eighth District), October 15
Alton, in Madison County, lay on the Mississippi just above its confluence with the Missouri and within easy reach of St. Louis. The Eighth District was largely Democratic, though Alton itself had a mixed population and an active antislavery minority.[35] The town carried the memory of Elijah Lovejoy’s murder in 1837, and Lincoln himself had history there: in 1842 he and James Shields had met near Alton to settle an affair of honor that was resolved before any duel took place.[36]
The final debate drew an estimated 5,000 to 6,000 people. Mary Todd Lincoln attended, the only debate at which she is known to have been present. Both candidates were worn from weeks of travel and speaking, and Douglas’s voice was noticeably strained.[37]
Douglas opened and devoted much of his time to his quarrel with the Buchanan administration, a reflection of the Danite challenge in southern Illinois. Lincoln’s reply contained the most frequently quoted passage of the entire series. He described the controversy as part of “the eternal struggle between these two principles—right and wrong—throughout the world,” contrasting the common right of humanity with the “divine right of kings” principle that said, in effect, “You work and toil and earn bread, and I’ll eat it.”[38]
That this summary should come at Alton is fitting. The town where an antislavery editor had died defending his press became the place where Lincoln framed the question in its most universal terms, before an audience within sight of Missouri and close to the largest slaveholding city in the region.
IV. How the Locations Shaped the Campaign
Sequence and Rhetorical Pressure
The order of the debates imposed a rhythm on the campaign. The first two debates, in the Republican north, allowed Douglas to paint Lincoln as a radical and allowed Lincoln to set the Freeport trap. The move to Jonesboro and Charleston shifted the audience toward voters who feared racial equality more than they feared the spread of slavery, and both men adjusted. Lincoln’s Charleston statement on race shows the pressure most plainly. The return north and west to Galesburg and Quincy allowed Lincoln to press the moral argument before friendly or mixed audiences, and Alton, on the southwestern border, closed the series with a statement of principle.
Each candidate faced the problem of speaking to one crowd while being read by the whole state. Douglas had to reassure northern Democrats that he was no friend of slavery’s expansion while assuring southern Illinois that he was no friend of Black equality or antislavery agitation. Lincoln had to hold the moral conviction of northern Republicans while persuading central Illinois former Whigs that Republicans were not abolitionists.
The Press as a Carrier Across Regions
The debates were recorded in shorthand by stenographers working for partisan newspapers, with the Chicago Press and Tribune reporting Lincoln’s speeches and the Chicago Times reporting Douglas’s. The transcripts were printed within days and reprinted widely.[39] This meant that a statement made at Jonesboro could be quoted at Galesburg, and a statement made at Freeport could be read in Georgia. Both candidates accused each other of tailoring their messages by region, and both were constrained by the knowledge that the texts would circulate. The geography of the debate sites was therefore amplified by the geography of print, turning seven local events into a single statewide and national conversation.
Travel and Organization
Both candidates spoke far more often than seven times. Each traveled several thousand miles by rail, riverboat, and carriage during the campaign, addressing dozens of additional rallies.[40] Douglas traveled in comparative comfort, making use of a private railroad car and the support of a well-established party apparatus. Lincoln often rode ordinary trains. The debate towns served as fixed points around which each campaign organized parades, bands, delegations, and newspaper coverage. Local party strength in each town affected the spectacle: Republican enthusiasm at Freeport and Galesburg contrasted with the sparse Republican presence at Jonesboro.
The Central Counties and the Result
On November 2, 1858, Republican candidates for statewide office received more votes than their Democratic opponents, and Republican legislative candidates as a group received a larger share of the popular vote. Yet Democrats won a majority in the General Assembly, holding advantages in both houses once holdover senators were counted.[41] The outdated apportionment, which underrepresented the growing northern counties, and Democratic strength in the central belt were decisive. The Danite challenge drew only a small vote and did not meaningfully divide the Democratic electorate. On January 5, 1859, the legislature reelected Douglas by a vote of 54 to 46.
The outcome confirmed what the debate geography had suggested. The north was Republican and the south Democratic, and the contest was settled in the middle counties, where former Whig voters in places like Coles County weighed Lincoln’s moral argument against Douglas’s appeals to racial fear and national peace.
V. Significance
The debate sites illustrate several lasting points about antebellum Illinois and about the national crisis.
First, Illinois was a microcosm of the Union. Its regional divisions reproduced, on a smaller scale, the division between free-labor North and slaveholding South, with a contested border region in between. The seven towns sampled that range almost exactly.
Second, the locations constrained political speech. Candidates facing sectionally divided audiences, and knowing that every word would be printed and circulated, were pushed toward either consistency or accusations of inconsistency. Lincoln’s strategy at Galesburg depended on this dynamic, and Douglas’s Freeport answer shows its costs.
Third, the geography of representation mattered as much as the geography of opinion. The failure of apportionment to track population growth gave the south and center of the state more weight than their numbers justified, and that structural fact decided the 1858 election.
Fourth, the debates carried their locations into national memory. Freeport became a byword for Douglas’s dilemma. Alton joined its 1837 martyrdom to Lincoln’s statement on right and wrong. Galesburg preserved the only surviving debate building. Lincoln compiled the debate texts and had them published in 1860, and the volume helped introduce him to voters outside Illinois as he sought the presidency.[42] In that sense, the seven towns were not only settings for a Senate race but staging grounds for the election that followed, which brought Lincoln to the presidency and brought the nation to war.
Notes
[1] On the Upland Southern settlement of early Illinois and its cultural characteristics, see Power (1953) and Davis (1998).
[2] The origin of the “Egypt” name is traditional rather than documented with certainty. See Biles (2005) for a discussion of regional identity in southern Illinois.
[3] Pease (1918) and Davis (1998) describe the effect of the Erie Canal and Great Lakes navigation on northern Illinois settlement.
[4] Cole (1919) discusses German immigration and its political alignment in the 1850s.
[5] Hansen (1980) provides the most detailed analysis of Illinois voting patterns and the realignment of former Whigs.
[6] On indenture and bound labor at the Gallatin County salt works, see Pease (1918) and Davis (1998).
[7] Pease (1918) treats the 1824 convention struggle and Coles’s leadership.
[8] Cole (1919) and Biles (2005) discuss the 1853 exclusion law and Logan’s role.
[9] Dillon (1961) is the standard account of Elijah Lovejoy’s life and death.
[10] Johannsen (1973) provides the fullest account of Douglas’s authorship of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; see also Potter (1976).
[11] On the Lecompton break and the Danite organization, see Johannsen (1973) and Fehrenbacher (1962).
[12] Basler (1953), Vol. 2, pp. 461–469. The scriptural image appears in Mark 3:25 and Matthew 12:25.
[13] Fehrenbacher (1962) explains the apportionment problem and the holdover senators.
[14] Guelzo (2008) narrates the July maneuvering that led to the debates.
[15] The correspondence between Lincoln and Douglas arranging the debates is reproduced in Basler (1953), Vol. 2, and in Sparks (1908).
[16] On LaSalle County and the canal corridor, see Davis (1998) and Cole (1919).
[17] The misattribution of the resolutions is discussed in Guelzo (2008) and in the editorial apparatus of Davis and Wilson (2008).
[18] On Washburne and the First District, see Burlingame (2008).
[19] The Freeport exchange is reproduced in Davis and Wilson (2008) and Holzer (1993).
[20] Fehrenbacher (1962) argues that the Freeport answer’s importance has been overstated relative to Lecompton; compare Nevins (1950) and Potter (1976).
[21] Cole (1919) and Biles (2005) describe the political character of Union County and the Ninth District.
[22] See the Jonesboro texts in Davis and Wilson (2008).
[23] Johannsen (1973) discusses the use of federal patronage against Douglas in southern Illinois.
[24] Pease (1918) and Coleman (1955).
[25] Coleman (1955) is the standard study of Lincoln’s connections to Coles County.
[26] Basler (1953), Vol. 3, pp. 145–146; Davis and Wilson (2008).
[27] Zarefsky (1990) assesses the rhetorical effectiveness of the Trumbull charges exchange.
[28] Coleman (1955) and Cole (1919) discuss the 1864 Charleston clash.
[29] Muelder (1959) documents antislavery activity associated with Knox College and Galesburg.
[30] On the Galesburg setting and Old Main, see Guelzo (2008) and Davis and Wilson (2008), the latter produced under the auspices of the Knox College Lincoln Studies Center.
[31] See the Galesburg texts in Davis and Wilson (2008) and Holzer (1993).
[32] Cole (1919) describes Quincy’s population and river economy.
[33] Johannsen (1973) covers Douglas’s Quincy years; Burlingame (2008) discusses Browning’s friendship with Lincoln.
[34] Basler (1953), Vol. 3; Davis and Wilson (2008).
[35] Cole (1919) and Dillon (1961).
[36] Donald (1995) and Burlingame (2008) describe the 1842 Shields affair.
[37] Guelzo (2008) and Burlingame (2008) describe the conditions at Alton.
[38] Basler (1953), Vol. 3, p. 315; Davis and Wilson (2008).
[39] Holzer (1993) discusses the stenographic reporting and the partisan differences in the published texts.
[40] Estimates of mileage and the number of speeches vary; see Burlingame (2008) and Guelzo (2008).
[41] Fehrenbacher (1962) and Hansen (1980) analyze the 1858 returns and the legislative outcome.
[42] Burlingame (2008) and Donald (1995) discuss Lincoln’s scrapbook of the debates and its publication in 1860.
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