Paper 8: Rabshakeh at the Wall: 2 Kings 18:19–35 as a Complete Specimen of Imperial Address to a Subject Population

The Bounds of Their Habitation, Tier 1, Cluster C


Abstract

Paper 7 examined the imperial ruler speaking about himself. This paper examines the empire speaking to someone else. Its subject is the speech delivered by the Rabshakeh at the wall of Jerusalem in 701 BC, preserved in 2 Kings 18:19–35 with parallels in Isaiah 36 and 2 Chronicles 32, and its claim is that this passage is the most complete specimen of imperial address to a subject population surviving from the ancient world. It is complete in an unusual sense: it preserves not only the arguments but the delivery conditions — the location, the audience, the language chosen, the objection raised by the defenders, and the empire’s answer to that objection. The paper works through the speech line by line, identifying seven distinct moves and the function of each. It then sets the Assyrian royal inscriptions beside the speech to test whether the biblical rendering is a caricature, and finds that it is not: every claim the Rabshakeh makes has a counterpart in Assyrian self-presentation. The paper deliberately supplies no modern parallels. The moves are specified precisely enough that readers will supply their own, and the argument is stronger for the restraint.


1. The argument

Imperial powers address their subject populations constantly, and almost none of that address survives in usable form. What survives is generally the empire talking to itself — annals, victory reliefs, dedicatory inscriptions, correspondence between officials — from which the content of what was said to the subjects must be inferred. Where the address to subjects does survive, it is usually a decree or an edict, which is to say a communication of a decision rather than an argument for compliance.

2 Kings 18:19–35 is different and the difference is worth stating precisely. It preserves an argument, made aloud, by a named imperial officer, at a specified place, to a specified audience, in a language chosen for a stated reason, with a recorded objection from the other side and a recorded response to that objection. There is no comparable document.

The speech is also, structurally, a complete instrument. It contains an argument about allies, an argument about the enemy’s leadership, an argument about the enemy’s god, an argument from the futility of resistance, an offer of terms, and a closing appeal over the heads of the leadership to the population itself. Nothing is missing that a modern practitioner of the same art would think to include.

The claim of this paper: the speech is a complete and non-caricatured specimen of imperial address, its moves can be individually identified and named, and the identification is the analytical product. No modern applications are offered. The instrument is the contribution.


2. The setting

2.1 The situation

Sennacherib’s third campaign, 701 BC. Hezekiah had withheld tribute (2 Kings 18:7); the Assyrian response took the fortified cities of Judah (18:13); Hezekiah submitted and paid an enormous indemnity, stripping the temple doors to do it (18:14–16). The Assyrian force nonetheless came up to Jerusalem, and three officers — the Tartan, the Rabsaris, and the Rabshakeh — were sent from Lachish to the city.

The historical event is exceptionally well attested for its period. Sennacherib’s own account survives in multiple copies and describes the shutting up of Hezekiah in Jerusalem, the taking of forty-six fortified cities, the deportation of a large population, and the receipt of tribute.[1] The Lachish reliefs from Sennacherib’s palace at Nineveh depict the siege of that city in detail.[2] What the Assyrian record does not describe is the taking of Jerusalem, and the campaign’s outcome there remains the central historical question.[3]

2.2 The delivery conditions

Then came forth unto him Eliakim the son of Hilkiah, which was over the household, and Shebna the scribe, and Joah the son of Asaph the recorder. (2 Kings 18:18)

The place. The conduit of the upper pool, in the highway of the fuller’s field (18:17). Outside the wall, within earshot of it. The same location where Isaiah had earlier met Ahaz (Isaiah 7:3), which the narrator may intend as a marker.

The parties. Three Assyrian officers against three Judean officials. The titles are Assyrian office designations rather than personal names; the Rabshakeh is a senior court official, and the speaker is therefore an officer of rank rather than a herald.[4]

The audience. Two audiences, and the doubling is the point. The Judean officials are the addressed party. The men on the wall are the intended one.

2.3 The language: the decisive detail

Then said Eliakim the son of Hilkiah, and Shebna, and Joah, unto Rabshakeh, Speak, I pray thee, to thy servants in the Syrian language; for we understand it: and talk not with us in the Jews’ language in the ears of the people that are on the wall. But Rabshakeh said unto them, Hath my master sent me to thy master, and to thee, to speak these words? hath he not sent me to the men which sit on the wall? (2 Kings 18:26–27)

This exchange is the most valuable thing in the passage and it is the element most often passed over.

The Judean officials request Aramaic, the diplomatic language of the region, which they understand and the men on the wall do not.[5] The request is a normal one; negotiations between states were conducted in Aramaic, and the officials are asking for the exchange to be handled as a negotiation.

The refusal is explicit and it gives a reason. My master did not send me to you. He sent me to the men on the wall.

Three things follow.

The choice of language is the choice of audience, and it is deliberate. The Rabshakeh speaks Hebrew because he intends the population to hear, and he says so. This is not an accident of who happened to be present.

The empire declines the frame of negotiation. A negotiation is between representatives. By refusing Aramaic, the Rabshakeh refuses to treat the Judean officials as the party with whom business is done, and asserts instead a direct relation between the empire and the population over the officials’ heads.

The manoeuvre is announced. The Rabshakeh does not conceal that he is going around the leadership. He states it as his instruction. This is worth noting, since it means the technique is not a covert one; it works partly by being visible, since the population hears that the empire regards its leaders as bypassable.

The vulgarity in verse 27 — the reference to what a besieged population will be reduced to consuming — follows immediately and belongs to the same move. It is addressed past the officials to the men on the wall and it is calculated to be heard by them.


3. The speech, move by move

The speech is delivered in two parts, verses 19–25 and verses 28–35, divided by the exchange about language. Seven moves are identifiable.

3.1 Move one: the discrediting of confidence (v. 19–20)

Thus saith the great king, the king of Assyria, What confidence is this wherein thou trustest? Thou sayest, (but they are but vain words,) I have counsel and strength for the war: now on whom dost thou trust, that thou rebellest against me?

The move. The opening is a question about the basis of confidence, repeated. The verb rendered “trust” recurs throughout the speech and is its organizing term; the address is structured as a systematic elimination of every object of trust available to the hearers.[6]

The function. The question form places the burden on the hearer to produce a justification. It also establishes the frame for everything following: the speech will proceed by enumerating candidate objects of trust and disposing of each.

The self-designation. “The great king, the king of Assyria.” This is the standard Assyrian royal title, rendered accurately.[7] Paper 1’s third mark, delivered in the opening clause.

3.2 Move two: the ally is a broken reed (v. 21)

Now, behold, thou trustest upon the staff of this bruised reed, even upon Egypt, on which if a man lean, it will go into his hand, and pierce it: so is Pharaoh king of Egypt unto all that trust on him.

The move. The named ally is not merely useless but injurious. The reed does not fail to support; it enters the hand of the one leaning on it.

The function. Isolation. The move detaches the subject from external support by characterizing the support as a source of harm rather than of aid.

Note on accuracy. Egypt’s record of support for Levantine states against Assyria was in fact poor, and Isaiah had made a similar assessment on entirely different grounds (Isaiah 30:1–7, 31:1–3). This is the first instance of a feature that recurs through the speech: the claims are frequently true. The Rabshakeh is not lying about Egypt. What is at issue is not the accuracy of the observation but the conclusion drawn from it.

3.3 Move three: your god is on our side (v. 22, 25)

But if ye say unto me, We trust in the LORD our God: is not that he, whose high places and whose altars Hezekiah hath taken away, and hath said to Judah and Jerusalem, Ye shall worship before this altar in Jerusalem? (v. 22)

Am I now come up without the LORD against this place to destroy it? The LORD said to me, Go up against this land, and destroy it. (v. 25)

The move. Two operations on the same object. First, the subject’s own reform is presented as an offense against the subject’s own god: Hezekiah removed the high places, therefore the LORD has been deprived of his altars, therefore the LORD is not with Hezekiah. Second, the empire claims a mandate from that god.

The function. This is the most sophisticated move in the speech and its sophistication is worth marking. The Rabshakeh has been briefed. He knows about the cultic centralization (2 Kings 18:4) and he has an argument constructed from it. Whether Assyrian intelligence was actually this good, or whether the historian has supplied the argument, is disputed; either way the move is precisely aimed.[8]

The claim of divine mandate in verse 25 has an unsettling feature the collection should not pass over: Isaiah says something structurally similar. Assyria is the rod of the LORD’s anger, sent against a hypocritical nation (Isaiah 10:5–6). The Rabshakeh’s claim is not simply false. What he lacks, and what Isaiah supplies, is the continuation — that the instrument does not know it is an instrument, and that the axe will be dealt with in turn. Paper 9 takes up that continuation in full.

Note. The invocation of a subject’s god as siding with the invader is standard practice rather than an innovation. Assyrian royal inscriptions regularly present campaigns as undertaken at the command of the gods, and the Cyrus Cylinder later presents Cyrus as the choice of Marduk against Nabonidus.[9]

3.4 Move four: you have no men (v. 23–24)

Now therefore, I pray thee, give pledges to my lord the king of Assyria, and I will deliver thee two thousand horses, if thou be able on thy part to set riders upon them. How then wilt thou turn away the face of one captain of the least of my master’s servants?

The move. A taunt in the form of an offer. I will give you the horses if you can find the men to ride them.

The function. Demonstration of asymmetry, delivered as ridicule rather than as a threat. The move also carries a specific insult: not merely that Judah cannot resist Assyria, but that it cannot resist the least officer of Assyria.

Note. This is the demographic argument in its purest imperial form, and it connects Cluster C to Cluster B. The claim is that the subject population is too few to matter. Paper 6 established that Scripture never treats thinness as a defect; here the empire treats it as decisive, which is the difference between the two accounts stated in a single verse.

3.5 Move five: your leader is deceiving you (v. 29–32a)

Thus saith the king, Let not Hezekiah deceive you: for he shall not be able to deliver you out of his hand: neither let Hezekiah make you trust in the LORD, saying, The LORD will surely deliver us . . . Hearken not to Hezekiah.

The move. Direct address to the population, in their own language, characterizing their leadership as the source of their danger. Repeated four times in four verses: let not Hezekiah deceive you, neither let Hezekiah make you trust, hearken not to Hezekiah, when Hezekiah persuadeth you.

The function. Separation of the population from its leadership. The population is offered a position in which its interests and its leaders’ interests diverge, and in which the empire is the party informing them of the divergence.

The construction. Note that the move does not say Hezekiah is a bad king. It says he is deceiving them about a specific matter — the prospect of deliverance — and that his deception will cost them their lives. The charge is calibrated to be plausible to people who can see the Assyrian army from where they are standing.

3.6 Move six: submission is prosperity (v. 31–32)

Make an agreement with me by a present, and come out to me, and then eat ye every man of his own vine, and every one of his fig tree, and drink ye every one the waters of his cistern: Until I come and take you away to a land like your own land, a land of corn and wine, a land of bread and vineyards, a land of oil olive and of honey, that ye may live, and not die.

The move. Terms, offered directly to the population, in the vocabulary of their own tradition.

The function. This is the move that most repays attention. Two features.

The idiom is stolen. Every man under his vine and under his fig tree is the standard biblical image of covenantal peace (1 Kings 4:25; Micah 4:4; Zechariah 3:10). The land of corn and wine, of oil olive and honey, is the description of the land of promise (Deuteronomy 8:8, 11:14). The Rabshakeh is offering the blessings of the covenant, in the covenant’s own words, on Assyrian terms. This is the imperial appropriation of a subject people’s own vocabulary of flourishing, and it is executed without a wasted word.

The deportation is inside the offer. “Until I come and take you away to a land like your own land.” The removal of the population is not concealed; it is presented as part of the package and described as an equivalent land. Assyrian deportation policy was systematic and its scale is documented; the practice was presented in Assyrian sources as an ordering of the world rather than as a punishment.[10] The Rabshakeh is describing actual policy accurately and framing it as relocation to comparable ground.

The move therefore combines a true description of what will happen with a borrowed vocabulary that makes it sound like the fulfilment of the hearers’ own hopes. That combination is the specimen’s most valuable single element.

3.7 Move seven: your god is like the others (v. 33–35)

Hath any of the gods of the nations delivered at all his land out of the hand of the king of Assyria? Where are the gods of Hamath, and of Arpad? where are the gods of Sepharvaim, Hena, and Ivah? have they delivered Samaria out of mine hand? Who are they among all the gods of the countries, that have delivered their country out of mine hand, that the LORD should deliver Jerusalem out of mine hand?

The move. An empirical argument from the record. Every god so far has failed. Yours is one of them. Therefore.

The function. This is the closing move and the strongest one, and its strength is that it is entirely factual. The cities named had fallen; their gods had not delivered them; Samaria in particular had fallen twenty years earlier, and the hearers knew it. The argument’s premises are all true.

The error. The argument’s form is the classification. It places the LORD in a set — the gods of the countries — and reasons from the behavior of the set to the behavior of the member. Hezekiah’s prayer in 19:15–19 answers at exactly that point: the gods of the nations were the work of men’s hands, wood and stone, and were therefore destroyed; thou art the God, even thou alone.

This is the imperial classification move in its clearest form and it connects to the whole framework. Paper 1’s second mark was enforced uniformity of idiom. Here the uniformity is imposed on the categories themselves: everything the empire has encountered is sorted into a schema in which it is one of a kind already handled. The move is not stupid. It is the correct inference from a very large body of experience, and it is wrong.


4. The structure of the whole

MoveVersesTargetOperation
1. What is your confidence?19–20The frameBurden shifted; agenda set as elimination of trusts
2. The broken reed21AlliesIsolation; the ally characterized as injurious
3. Your god is with us22, 25ReligionReform reframed as offense; mandate claimed
4. You have no riders23–24NumbersAsymmetry demonstrated as ridicule
5. Hezekiah deceives you29–32aLeadershipPopulation separated from its leaders
6. Vine, fig tree, and a land like your own31–32DesireCovenant idiom appropriated; deportation packaged as terms
7. Where are the gods?33–35The last trustClassification; argument from an accurate record

The sequence is not random. It proceeds outward-in: external allies, then the divine patron, then material capacity, then internal leadership, then the population’s own desires, then the final object of trust. Each move removes one thing to lean on. By the end nothing has been left standing except the offer.

And the delivery is calibrated: part one is addressed to the officials and concerns policy; part two, after the language exchange, is addressed to the population and concerns their survival, their food, and their leaders’ honesty. The register changes with the audience.


5. Is the rendering a caricature?

The question must be asked, because a specimen preserved by the party being addressed is exactly the kind of evidence that invites suspicion. If the Rabshakeh’s speech is a Judean construction of what an Assyrian would say, it is evidence about Judah rather than about empire.

The Assyrian royal inscriptions provide the control, and the correspondence is close on every element.

The great king. šarru rabû is the standard title, appearing at the head of royal inscriptions as a matter of course.[11]

Divine mandate. Assyrian campaigns are routinely presented as undertaken at the command of Ashur and the great gods, with the enemy characterized as having offended them.[12]

The futility of resistance and the failure of other gods. Sennacherib’s own account of the campaign describes the shutting up of Hezekiah, the taking of the fortified cities, and the deportation; the inscriptions generally present resistance as producing predictable consequences and cite prior conquests as demonstration.[13]

Deportation as benefit. Assyrian sources present mass resettlement as an ordering act, with deportees described as counted among the people of Assyria.[14]

Address to populations over their rulers. Assyrian letters and treaty texts demonstrate the practice of appealing to subject populations and of holding populations responsible for their rulers’ conduct; the succession treaties of Esarhaddon bind not only officials but the wider population directly.[15]

The trust vocabulary. Machinist’s demonstration that the language of First Isaiah reproduces Assyrian royal idiom with precision covers the terminology in this passage as well, and it is the strongest evidence that the biblical writers had accurate knowledge of how Assyrians talked.[16]

The conclusion the evidence supports: the speech is not a caricature. Every claim in it corresponds to something in Assyrian self-presentation, the titles are correct, the policy described is the policy that was practiced, and the vocabulary is the vocabulary in use. Whether this particular speech was delivered in these words at this wall is a question the evidence cannot settle. That an Assyrian officer would have said things of this kind is not in serious doubt.


6. Why no modern parallels are supplied

This paper stops at the specimen. That is a deliberate choice and the reasons are worth stating.

The instrument is more useful than any application of it. Seven named moves with identified functions is a tool a reader can carry to any case. A list of examples is a tool that works on the listed cases.

Supplied parallels date the paper and narrow it. Any set of examples chosen now will look partisan to some readers immediately and quaint to all readers eventually.

The identification is the analytical work. The moves are specified precisely enough that recognition follows automatically. A reader who has read §3 will recognize move six the next time they encounter it, and the recognition will be theirs.

The framework’s own principle requires it. Paper 2’s naming rule held that the application is made from underneath or outside, never by one center against a competitor. A paper supplying its own list of who is doing this now would be performing exactly the operation the rule forbids.


7. Four propositions for the framework

Proposition 29: The choice of language is the choice of audience, and it can be announced. The Rabshakeh refuses Aramaic and states why. Going around a leadership to its population is not necessarily covert; part of its effect is the population’s discovery that the empire considers their representatives bypassable.

Proposition 30: Imperial address proceeds by eliminating objects of trust in sequence. Allies, patron deity, material capacity, leadership, and the last resort, taken in order, each disposed of separately. The structure is what makes the address an instrument rather than a threat.

Proposition 31: The claims are frequently true. Egypt was unreliable. Judah lacked cavalry. The gods of Hamath and Arpad had not delivered them. An analysis that expects imperial address to consist of falsehoods will fail to recognize it. What is defective is the conclusion, not usually the premises.

Proposition 32: The most dangerous move is the appropriation of the subject’s own vocabulary of flourishing. Move six offers the covenant’s blessings in the covenant’s words with deportation inside the package. An empire that has learned to describe submission in the subject’s own terms of hope has acquired something more useful than a siege engine.


8. Objections

“The speech is a Judean composition and cannot be used as evidence of Assyrian practice.” Section 5 is the answer, and it does not depend on the speech being a transcript. The correspondence with Assyrian royal idiom, titles, theology, and deportation policy is close on every element, and Machinist’s work established that the biblical writers of this period had accurate access to that idiom. The paper claims the speech is a non-caricatured specimen of the genre, not that it is a stenographic record.

“Isaiah 36 and 2 Chronicles 32 differ from 2 Kings 18, so which text is being analyzed?” 2 Kings 18:19–35, with Isaiah 36:4–20 running nearly identical. Chronicles gives a condensed version with different emphases.[17] The relation among the three is a standard problem and none of the differences affect the seven moves, all of which are present in both the Kings and Isaiah forms.

“Verse 25’s claim of divine mandate is validated by Isaiah 10, which makes the Rabshakeh right.” He is partly right, and §3.3 says so rather than avoiding it. Isaiah 10:5–6 grants that Assyria is the instrument. Isaiah 10:7 immediately adds that Assyria does not mean it so, and 10:12–15 states what follows for the instrument. The Rabshakeh’s error is not the claim of mandate; it is the assumption that being an instrument is the same as being the agent. Paper 9 is about that error specifically.

“Naming the moves teaches the technique.” The moves are three thousand years old, in wide use, and available in the primary sources to anyone who looks. Nothing here is a disclosure. What naming them does is make them recognizable to the people they are used on, which is the population on the wall rather than the officer at the conduit.

“The refusal to supply parallels is evasion dressed as method.” It is a method with a stated rationale in §6, and the rationale includes the collection’s own naming rule. A reader who wants the parallels will produce better ones than I would, because they will produce the ones in front of them.


9. Conclusion

At the conduit of the upper pool, outside the wall of a city whose fortified towns had already fallen, a senior Assyrian officer was asked to conduct the exchange in the language of diplomacy and refused, on the stated ground that his instructions were to address the men on the wall. What followed is the most complete surviving argument made by an empire to a subject population.

It proceeds by elimination: your ally will pierce your hand, your god has been offended by your own king and has in any case sent us, you cannot mount the horses I would give you, your leader is deceiving you about your survival, come out and eat from your own vine until we move you to a land like this one, and consider that no god of any nation has yet delivered anybody.

The claims are largely true. The idiom is partly stolen from the hearers’ own scriptures. The policy described is the policy that was practiced. And the whole is delivered in Hebrew, deliberately, over the heads of the officials who asked for Aramaic.

Paper 9 turns to the grammar of the position from which such a speech is made. The Rabshakeh said the LORD sent him, and Isaiah agrees. What Isaiah adds is a question the axe cannot answer: shall the axe boast itself against him that heweth therewith?


Notes

  1. The Rassam Cylinder and related prisms; texts in Luckenbill (1924) and translations in Pritchard (1969). The account describes the shutting up of Hezekiah like a bird in a cage, the taking of forty-six fortified cities, and the tribute received.
  2. On the Lachish reliefs, see Ussishkin (1982).
  3. The literature on the outcome of the campaign is extensive and includes reconstructions positing one campaign and two. See Gallagher (1999) and the essays in Grabbe (2003).
  4. On the Assyrian office titles and their rendering in the biblical text, see Cogan and Tadmor (1988) at 18:17.
  5. On Aramaic as the diplomatic lingua franca of the period, see Cogan and Tadmor (1988) and Greenfield (1978).
  6. The recurrence of the trust terminology through the speech is noted in most treatments; see Cogan and Tadmor (1988) and Childs (1967).
  7. On the title and its accurate reproduction in the biblical text, see Machinist (1983) and Cogan and Tadmor (1988).
  8. Cogan and Tadmor (1988) and Gallagher (1999) discuss the question of Assyrian knowledge of Hezekiah’s reform and the possibility that the argument reflects Judean rather than Assyrian composition.
  9. On the Cyrus Cylinder’s presentation of Marduk’s choice, see the translation in Pritchard (1969) and the discussion in Kuhrt (1983).
  10. On Assyrian deportation policy, its scale, and its presentation in the royal inscriptions, see Oded (1979).
  11. Machinist (1983).
  12. Liverani (1979) on the ideology of the Assyrian empire as presented in the royal inscriptions.
  13. Luckenbill (1924); Pritchard (1969).
  14. Oded (1979).
  15. On the Esarhaddon succession treaties and their binding of populations, see Parpola and Watanabe (1988).
  16. Machinist (1983).
  17. 2 Chronicles 32:9–19. On the relation among the three accounts, see Childs (1967) and Cogan and Tadmor (1988).

References

Childs, B. S. (1967). Isaiah and the Assyrian crisis. SCM Press.

Cogan, M., & Tadmor, H. (1988). II Kings: A new translation with introduction and commentary (Anchor Bible 11). Doubleday.

Gallagher, W. R. (1999). Sennacherib’s campaign to Judah: New studies. Brill.

Grabbe, L. L. (Ed.). (2003). “Like a bird in a cage”: The invasion of Sennacherib in 701 BCE. Sheffield Academic Press.

Greenfield, J. C. (1978). The dialects of early Aramaic. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 37(2), 93–99.

King James Bible. (2017). King James Bible Online. https://www.kingjamesbibleonline.org/ (Original work published 1769)

Kuhrt, A. (1983). The Cyrus Cylinder and Achaemenid imperial policy. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, 8(25), 83–97.

Liverani, M. (1979). The ideology of the Assyrian empire. In M. T. Larsen (Ed.), Power and propaganda: A symposium on ancient empires (pp. 297–317). Akademisk Forlag.

Luckenbill, D. D. (1924). The annals of Sennacherib. University of Chicago Press.

Machinist, P. (1983). Assyria and its image in the First Isaiah. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 103(4), 719–737.

Oded, B. (1979). Mass deportations and deportees in the Neo-Assyrian empire. Reichert.

Parpola, S., & Watanabe, K. (1988). Neo-Assyrian treaties and loyalty oaths (State Archives of Assyria Vol. 2). Helsinki University Press.

Pritchard, J. B. (Ed.). (1969). Ancient Near Eastern texts relating to the Old Testament (3rd ed.). Princeton University Press.

Ussishkin, D. (1982). The conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib. Tel Aviv University Institute of Archaeology.


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