Abstract
The annexation of Chiapas to Mexico in 1824 is often portrayed as a voluntary act of self-determination by a province seeking stability in the turbulent years following the collapse of Spanish rule in Central America. Yet the historical record reveals a more complex story. Economic dependency, geopolitical vulnerability, and elite calculations pushed Chiapas toward Mexico. Over time, however, the region became one of the most disillusioned members of the federation, experiencing systemic neglect, exploitation, and uprisings. This white paper examines how Chiapas became part of Mexico and why it came to regret that decision, situating the case within the broader dynamics of nation-building, regional marginalization, and indigenous resistance.
I. Background: Chiapas Before Annexation
Colonial heritage: Chiapas was part of the Captaincy General of Guatemala under the Spanish Empire, oriented toward Central America rather than Mexico. Its economy was based on cacao, maize, and cattle, with an indigenous majority population ruled by a small creole and ladino elite. Geographic isolation: Mountainous terrain and weak transport links made Chiapas peripheral to both Guatemala and Mexico. Post-independence instability: After Spanish collapse in 1821, Chiapas briefly joined the First Mexican Empire of Iturbide, then reverted to the Central American Federation. Political elites feared instability and loss of trade opportunities if tied to Central America.
II. The Annexation of 1824
Local divisions: The decision to join Mexico was contested. Elites in Ciudad Real (modern San Cristóbal de las Casas) favored ties with Guatemala, while elites in Chiapa de Corzo and other lowland towns leaned toward Mexico. The “Consulta Popular”: In 1824, a form of plebiscite was organized. Though celebrated as democratic, it was heavily influenced by elite pressures and Mexican military presence. Results were mixed, but Mexico proclaimed Chiapas annexed. Strategic reasoning: Mexico sought Chiapas for defensive depth against Guatemala and as a bridge to Soconusco (a fertile coastal strip that remained disputed until 1842).
III. Early Disillusion: Neglect and Exploitation
Neglected periphery: Mexico’s central government devoted little investment to Chiapas, which remained impoverished and isolated. Taxation without development: Local populations were heavily taxed while infrastructure and services were ignored. Soconusco’s abandonment: Chiapas elites were angered when Soconusco remained in limbo between Mexico and Central America, undermining the security of their southern frontier.
IV. Indigenous Grievances
Legacy of colonial oppression: Indigenous communities already endured forced labor and land expropriation. Annexation to Mexico deepened these problems. Erosion of communal land: Liberal reforms in the 19th century stripped indigenous groups of ejidos, exacerbating inequality. Persistent revolts: Indigenous uprisings recurred throughout the 19th century, revealing deep discontent with Mexican rule.
V. The Long Arc of Regret
Chronic poverty: Chiapas has consistently ranked among Mexico’s poorest states, with poor health outcomes, illiteracy, and limited infrastructure. Resource extraction: The region’s oil, hydroelectric, and agricultural wealth has been exploited for national gain with little reinvestment locally. Zapatista uprising (1994): The Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) revolt symbolized the accumulated resentment of centuries. The movement denounced Mexico’s betrayal of indigenous peoples and neoliberal policies. Symbol of marginalization: Chiapas became a case study of how annexation, initially framed as a choice for stability, led to systemic neglect and rebellion.
VI. Lessons and Implications
Annexation ≠ Integration: The case illustrates that incorporation into a larger state does not guarantee development or loyalty. Elite vs. popular will: Chiapas shows how elite decisions, shaped by geopolitical calculation, can diverge from long-term community interests. The periphery problem: Peripheral regions often regret union when benefits fail to materialize and central authorities exploit rather than invest.
Conclusion
Chiapas joined Mexico in 1824 out of fear, strategic necessity, and elite calculation. But over the two centuries since, the state has found itself marginalized, impoverished, and in conflict with central authorities. Its regret lies not only in unmet promises of prosperity but in the enduring neglect of its indigenous majority. The story of Chiapas is thus both a cautionary tale of nation-building and a reminder that political annexation without social and economic integration breeds resentment that lasts for generations.

Does the Mexican government actually consider this population as its citizens? If so, it is not serving them as such.
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It does but it doesn’t really act like it. They have a small population and are mainly for resource exploitation. Like West Virginia only worse.
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