Abstract
This white paper examines the question of whether the development of an established body of tradition is an inevitable feature of longstanding institutions. It explores the functional, sociological, and psychological drivers behind tradition formation, evaluates exceptions and counterforces, and considers how institutions manage, resist, or codify tradition. Through historical, religious, legal, and corporate examples, it ultimately argues that while the specific form of tradition may vary, its development is nearly inevitable due to fundamental human and organizational dynamics.
I. Introduction
Longstanding institutions—whether religious, governmental, educational, or corporate—often develop bodies of tradition that persist beyond their founding principles or immediate operational needs. These traditions may take the form of rituals, procedural customs, informal expectations, or even folklore. This paper analyzes whether such tradition is an unavoidable feature of institutional continuity, or if it can be consciously prevented or continually reformed away.
II. Defining Tradition and Institutional Continuity
Tradition in this context refers to repeated practices, beliefs, interpretations, and internal norms that are not codified by original founding documents or rules but are transmitted through time within the institution. Institutional continuity refers to the sustained existence of an organization or structure across multiple generations or leadership transitions.
The mechanisms by which tradition arises include:
Repetition and imitation of founding behaviors Heroization or mythologization of early figures or moments Institutional memory encoded in informal rules Social inertia and aversion to change The need for identity continuity across time
III. Functional Drivers of Tradition Formation
From a functionalist perspective, traditions provide:
Continuity and Stability: Institutions face environmental flux and internal turnover; traditions act as stabilizers of identity and behavior. Efficiency: Routinized procedures save time by avoiding constant renegotiation of practices. Legitimacy: Referencing tradition provides justification for decisions in the absence of other sources of authority. Boundary Maintenance: Traditions help differentiate insiders from outsiders, reinforcing group cohesion.
Because these functions address perennial challenges within institutions, traditions are reinforced—even when no single individual intends to create or preserve them.
IV. The Psychological and Sociological Foundations
The human propensity toward tradition is tied to cognitive and emotional tendencies:
Heuristics: People default to what has been done before, especially under stress or uncertainty. Moral valuation of precedent: Longstanding practices are often deemed more legitimate simply because they are older. In-group identity: Shared customs strengthen communal bonds. Transmission through authority and mentorship: Traditions are handed down by influential figures within the institution, often unconsciously.
These human tendencies ensure that tradition is not merely an institutional artifact, but a socio-psychological inevitability unless actively resisted.
V. Case Studies
Religious Institutions: Christianity, Islam, and Judaism have all developed elaborate traditions outside of their founding texts. Even traditions that began as interpretive footnotes (e.g., liturgical colors, ceremonial processions) have become central markers of religious identity over time. Reform movements may challenge specific traditions, but often end up establishing new ones. Legal Systems: Common law illustrates how traditions become institutionalized precedent. Even when legislation attempts reform, courts rely on past interpretations, and unwritten norms shape courtroom behavior and legal education. Universities: Academic regalia, tenure customs, faculty governance rituals, and even commencement ceremonies persist across centuries, often divorced from their original justifications. Attempts to modernize are often met with resistance grounded in tradition. Corporate Cultures: Companies develop internal traditions, from annual retreats to specific onboarding language and values rituals. Startups that aim to remain agile often develop their own folklore about the founding generation, inadvertently laying down new traditions.
VI. Exceptions and Counterexamples
Can tradition be consciously avoided?
Revolutionary or Anti-Traditional Institutions: Groups like the early Soviet Union or Maoist China attempted to abolish tradition in favor of ideology or planning. However, new traditions quickly formed (e.g., May Day parades, Mao’s image cult). Highly Rationalized Bureaucracies: Some technocratic bodies attempt to function solely through codified rules. Yet even these form internal cultures and informal customs over time. Deliberate Tradition Suppression: Certain Protestant sects or anarchist collectives have tried to eschew ritual or hierarchy. These often become intensely self-conscious about avoiding tradition and end up ritualizing anti-ritualism.
In each case, tradition either reasserts itself in new forms or its suppression creates its own kind of orthodoxy.
VII. Tradition, Reform, and Innovation
While tradition seems inevitable, it does not preclude change. Reform movements often arise precisely because tradition ossifies or strays from foundational principles. However, even reform becomes tradition if institutionalized.
Some institutions manage tradition strategically:
Codification: Formally recognizing and limiting tradition’s scope Rotation: Regularly reviewing traditions to align with goals Symbolic substitution: Replacing outdated practices with new ones that serve similar bonding functions Layered Memory: Preserving tradition while introducing new norms (e.g., constitutional amendments)
Thus, the challenge is not the inevitability of tradition, but its adaptability and alignment with core values.
VIII. Conclusion
The development of a body of tradition is not merely likely but virtually inevitable in longstanding institutions due to deep psychological, sociological, and functional dynamics. While its specific content may be shaped, resisted, or reformed, the underlying need for continuity, legitimacy, and identity ensures that some form of tradition will take root. The more productive question for institutional designers and leaders is not whether to allow tradition, but how to direct, prune, or re-anchor it to serve rather than constrain the mission of the institution.
References
Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1966). The Social Construction of Reality. Anchor Books.
Hobsbawm, E., & Ranger, T. (Eds.). (1983). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press.
Selznick, P. (1957). Leadership in Administration: A Sociological Interpretation. Harper & Row.
Weber, M. (1947). The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Free Press.
March, J. G., & Olsen, J. P. (1984). The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life. American Political Science Review, 78(3), 734–749.

Technical difficulties involving a cell phone provider that can’t fix a recurring glitch in the coverage area prevented a quicker reply.
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In recent years, I have considered more where Armstrongism is likely to go in the next generation or so. My prediction is that the more conservative/traditional form — perhaps best represented now by UCG and LCG (with kind regards to COGaWA) — will ultimately fade in favor of two extremes (a UCG-now-COGaWA minister once described “us” as “ditch jumpers”). The UCG/LCG form lacks any compelling reason for existing, save for them being basically how WCG was a year or two before they split. As more information seeps into their congregations, and their unwillingness and inability to answer it becomes a deafening silence — plus, those “few short years” become more and more and longer and longer — they will become self-invalidating. They can’t simply say, “Blessed be the name of the Armstrong” to justify their religion; and as you’ve seen and even demonstrate yourself, the facts really don’t bear out the faith of the ad man from Iowa.
The first extreme I predict will be the ultra-purist “ARMSTRONGist” side, perhaps best represented by Billingsley’s “Faithful Flock.” They literally have a Trinitarian graphic of Herbert Armstrong at three different ages on their homepage. For a long time at least, their beliefs statement would have a fairly typical Armstrongist doctrine enumerated, but sometimes with an addition specifically attributed to Herbert Armstrong. It would read something like, “We believe the capital of Nevada is Carson City. (Mr. Armstrong taught that Reno is actually a secondary capital as well, and so we believe that, too.)” With facts against them, the authority for their religion is explicitly Herbert Armstrong. “Blessed be the name of the Armstrong.” He was Elijah, and that’s all there was and is to it.
The other extreme is the reformed side, and will have two forms. The more traditional, perhaps best represented now by the CGI and offshoots lineage, will be civicly engaged and not dependent — at least as far as it appreciates — on Armstrong, HW for the authority behind their religion. This part of the other extreme may or may not retain some sense of “True Church,” but is likely to retain a degree of Sabbatarian exclusivism.
The second form will be the ultra-reformed type, and will renounce essentially all of that exclusivism. The “Mark of the Beast” as some sort of Sunday/anti-seventh-day-sabbath thing removing a given Christian-professing person from consideration as possibly “true” will be rejected (cf Rev. 14:11 — the Mark consists of the Beast’s name, not his liturgy; use alternate manuscripts in chapter 13 and omit pertinent editorial conjunction in chapter 15). Ex 31/Ezek 20 probably be seen as a national covenant for Israel, much as Gen 17 is an ethnic one for descendants of Abraham (cf Acts 15). In other words, they will be a Christian movement with a Leviticus 23 liturgy, soul sleep, a Leviticus 11 diet, and maybe some goofy theology in there somewhere. The best example of this today I know of — and I only have a limited familiarity with it — is Christian Fellowship Ministries (“of the Church of God” — always gotta get “COG” in there somewhere), a small congregation in North Carolina. I’ll let you check them out. Very informal services, civicly engaged, and not writing off non-Sabbatarians. I name it simply because it’s the only one I know much about at all.
The two forms of the reformed extreme will likely get along with each other, possibly even blurring together. They won’t want to sing praises to Armstrong, and certainly the facts far more strongly support them than the other extreme. You have demonstrated that. They will see Armstrong, HW in the way some Lutherans see Martin Luther. You can imagine. Yes, he was the “founder” — can’t deny historical fact (that’s the other extreme’s bag) — but most won’t want a Heritage Day for him.
Similar things have happened in many other religions… Buddhism (Hinayana vs Mahayana/Theravada); Mormonism (SLC LDS vs RLDS— the latter of which did a Tkach-WCG and is now called the “Community of Christ,” with only a tinge of Mormon theology left); The Force (Jedi vs Sith)😁. Mennonites have liberal and conservative branches delineated in part by whether they have to drive black cars, and Amish do as well, I’m led to believe. But they all seem to still vote 99+ percent Republican. The Shakers have stayed basically monolithic, but they’re only about two or three of them — individuals, not colonies — left (and I’m sure every one of them voted for Bernie Sanders).
Regarding John 6:44, et al, “calling” thing, the purists will see the reformists as either Laodicean or apostate, and the reformists will still hold to selective calling, but some will think their Methodist neighbors might be called/chosen/converted as well.
Now, I know you believe yours is the “true religion.” I was one of you. I understand completely. Thus, you believe none of this could actually happen. Except that it can and has. I am offering this analysis as an informed and initiated outsider, holding that Armstrongism is no more “(one) true” than any other (Christian) religiosity. You can take the assessment and tweak it to fit your convictions if you wish. There’s nothing I can do to stop you. I am simply telling you where I estimate in the next generation are so (and with the Inter-webs, very likely sooner than that) your faith tradition is going. The status quo is not sustainable.
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I think your last statement is one I can understand and agree with, though I personally have no pretensions about where things will end up within a generation. The status quo is unsustainable and some sort of further changes and developments will certainly come.
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