Executive Summary

The rise of paramilitary forces on the American political fringes has long been associated with right-wing extremism, from the Oath Keepers to the Proud Boys. Yet, a parallel development on the left has garnered less scrutiny: decentralized networks of militant activists who blend ideological fervor with tactical violence, often under the banner of antifascism and social justice. This white paper examines these groups—chief among them Antifa, By Any Means Necessary (BAMN), and the John Brown Gun Club—as emergent paramilitary entities. Drawing on historical precedents, operational analyses, and recent incidents, it argues that these forces represent a growing threat to public order, free speech, and democratic norms. While their violence pales in comparison to right-wing extremism in lethality, their diffuse structure and ideological justification of “direct action” enable escalation in an era of deepening divides. Recommendations include enhanced law enforcement coordination and legislative measures to curb paramilitary training.

Introduction: Defining Paramilitary Forces in the Modern Context

Paramilitary forces are non-state armed groups that mimic military organization, training, and tactics to achieve political ends. In the United States, they operate in a legal gray zone, where the Second Amendment protects individual gun ownership, but state laws prohibit unauthorized military-style drills or private armies. The contemporary American left, broadly encompassing anarchist, socialist, and antifascist ideologies, has birthed such groups amid rising polarization.

This phenomenon is not unprecedented. The Weather Underground and Black Panthers of the 1960s–1970s employed similar tactics against perceived systemic oppression. Today’s equivalents reject electoral politics in favor of “direct action”—a euphemism for disruption, doxxing, and violence—framed as defensive measures against fascism. As historian Kathleen Belew notes, these groups view AR-15s not just as tools but as symbols of warfare against state complicity in racism and capitalism. 1 Yet, unlike right-wing militias, leftist paramilitaries emphasize anonymity and horizontality, complicating accountability.

This paper analyzes three key examples, their structures, and activities, drawing on open-source intelligence, academic studies, and law enforcement reports. It concludes with implications for national security.

Historical Context: From Anarchist Roots to Modern Militancy

Left-wing paramilitarism in America traces to 19th-century labor struggles and early 20th-century antifascist resistance. European émigrés brought syndicalist and anarchist traditions, influencing groups like the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Post-WWII, the Antifa mantle emerged from anti-Nazi street fights in Europe, evolving in the U.S. through punk-era Anti-Racist Action (ARA) networks in the 1980s, which targeted neo-Nazi skinheads with physical confrontations. 20

The 2010s marked resurgence, fueled by Occupy Wall Street, the Ferguson uprising, and Trump’s 2016 election. Economic precarity and police violence eroded faith in institutions, birthing a “militant anti-fascism” ethos. Mark Bray’s Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook (2017) codified this, arguing violence is “proactive self-defense” against historical fascist threats. 25 By 2020, George Floyd protests amplified visibility, with federal assessments noting Antifa-like tactics in riots, though attributing most violence to opportunists. 23

Unlike hierarchical right-wing militias, leftist groups favor “leaderless resistance,” per Louis Beam’s 1992 manifesto—a tactic co-opted from white supremacists. This structure evades infiltration but fosters impulsivity. 23 Recent X posts highlight recruitment drives, such as a Georgetown University “John Brown Club” flyer proclaiming, “The only political group that celebrates when Nazis die,” linking to a QR code for joining. 58 These echo 1930s antifascist squads, but in America’s gun culture, they arm up.

Case Study 1: Antifa – The Decentralized Vanguard

Antifa—short for “anti-fascist”—is less an organization than a tactic: black-clad militants using masks, shields, and improvised weapons to “deplatform” perceived fascists. Lacking formal leadership, it comprises autonomous cells like Rose City Antifa (Portland) and Torch Network (formerly ARA). 20

Structure and Training: Cells coordinate via encrypted apps like Signal, sharing “black bloc” tactics: anonymity through uniforms, mobility in affinity groups, and hit-and-run assaults. Training includes urban warfare simulations, improvised explosives, and doxxing. A 2017 DHS-FBI bulletin described it as a “diffuse and decentralized organizational structure” resistant to penetration. 20 X searches reveal calls for “militant action” against events, with posts from 2020–2025 showing laser pointers aimed at police aircraft as “antifascist sabotage.” 55

Activities and Incidents: Antifa’s hallmark is street-level violence. In 2017 Charlottesville, they clashed with Unite the Right, injuring dozens. Portland’s 2020–2021 riots saw nightly attacks on federal buildings, with Molotovs and commercial fireworks as grenades. 26 In 2025, amid Charlie Kirk protests, Antifa-linked cells disrupted rallies, leading to Trump’s executive order designating it a “domestic terrorist organization” for “coordinated efforts to obstruct enforcement of Federal laws through armed standoffs.” 21 A George Washington University report notes Antifa violence “pales in comparison” to right-wing attacks but warns of rising lethality trends. 1

Critics, including Sen. Eric Schmitt, urge FTO designation due to transnational ties, with cells in Canada and Europe sharing tactics. 29 X semantic searches surface posts celebrating “Antifa victories,” like the 2017 Berkeley Milo Yiannopoulos cancellation, where rioters caused $100,000 in damage. 38

Case Study 2: By Any Means Necessary (BAMN) – The Disruptive Cadre

Founded in 1995 to defend affirmative action, BAMN evolved into a Trotskyist vanguard, blending litigation with street militancy. 35

Structure and Training: BAMN operates as a centralized cadre under leaders like Shanta Driver, with chapters in California and Michigan. It trains in “mass action” tactics: human chains, building occupations, and physical confrontations. A 2005 FBI report flagged it as a potential terrorist threat for disrupting state meetings, though the ACLU decried it as overreach. 41

Activities and Incidents: BAMN’s motto—”by any means necessary”—justifies escalation. In 2016 Sacramento, 300 BAMN-aligned protesters rioted against white nationalists, stabbing 10. Leader Yvette Felarca was charged with assault. 38 In 2017 Berkeley, BAMN orchestrated the Yiannopoulos shutdown, vandalizing property and assaulting attendees. X posts from 2017–2025 label it a “violent cult,” with ties to pedophile advocacy groups like NAMBLA, though unverified. 37 Recent activity includes 2025 anti-Trump disruptions, echoing Malcolm X’s rhetoric but targeting conservatives. 36

BAMN’s fusion of legal and illegal tactics—suing while rioting—exemplifies hybrid paramilitarism, blurring protest and insurgency.

Case Study 3: John Brown Gun Club – The Armed Defenders

Named for abolitionist John Brown, this network of gun clubs emerged in 2004 to arm marginalized communities against far-right threats. 45 Affiliated with Redneck Revolt until 2019, it claims 45+ chapters nationwide. 48

Structure and Training: Decentralized like Antifa, chapters (e.g., Puget Sound, Elm Fork) conduct firearms training, emphasizing “community defense.” Members wear tactical gear, patches (e.g., Trans Pride AR-15), and use walkie-talkies for coordination. A 2019 Guardian report described drills as “leveling the playing field” with right-wing militias. 51 X posts from 2025 recruit via flyers: “Hey, fascist! Catch!” with QR codes. 54

Activities and Incidents: JBGC provides “security” at protests, deterring Proud Boys with open carry. In 2019 Seattle Trans Pride, they guarded against aggression. 51 Escalation came in 2020: Willem van Spronsen, a Puget Sound member, attacked an ICE facility with a rifle and incendiaries, dying in a shootout; his manifesto decried fascism. 46 2025 Texas incidents link JBGC to ICE ambushes, with suspects tied to Elm Fork chapter. 75 A UNC professor’s membership sparked a 2025 leave amid “paramilitary” lawsuits. 57

JBGC’s ethos—”If others have rifles, we’ll have rifles”—mirrors historical slave revolts but risks vigilante spirals. 51

Tactics, Ideology, and Escalation Risks

These groups share tactics: deplatforming, doxxing, and asymmetrical violence. Ideology fuses anti-capitalism with identity politics, viewing the state as fascist enabler. Escalation risks amplify in 2025’s volatile climate—Trump’s return, economic woes, and AI-disrupted jobs fuel recruitment. X keyword searches show 2020–2025 posts surging 300% for “Antifa training,” with international ties via European cells. 29 A CSIS report warns of “increased frequency and lethality” if trends persist. 1

Yet, left-wing violence remains <1% of domestic terrorism deaths since 1990, per ADL data, versus right-wing dominance. 3 The asymmetry—left’s urban focus versus right’s rural strongholds—suggests flashpoints in swing cities like Portland and Atlanta.

Legal and Societal Implications

Private paramilitaries violate laws in 25+ states prohibiting unauthorized training. 7 Trump’s 2025 Antifa designation enables probes, but critics decry it as suppressing dissent. 33 Societally, they erode trust: 2025 polls show 60% of Americans fear political violence. 5

Conclusion and Recommendations

The American left’s paramilitary forces, while fragmented, pose a unique threat: ideological cover for unchecked aggression. To mitigate:

1. Legislate Clarity: Enact a federal anti-paramilitary act, building on Rep. Raskin’s 2024 bill.
2. Enhance Surveillance: Fund DHS-FBI fusion centers for real-time X/web monitoring.
3. Community Interventions: Partner with moderates to deradicalize via gun safety programs.
4. Judicial Accountability: Prosecute under RICO for coordinated actions.

Unchecked, these forces risk turning protests into battlegrounds, echoing Weimar Germany’s street fights. America must reclaim the monopoly on legitimate violence before militancy metastasizes.